Retrieved ch. 2 of the thesis of Christian Martorella.
Christian Martorella, the concept of the Japanese economy from the epistemological point of view, Faculty of Humanities, University of Genoa, AA 1999-2000.
Chapter 2. The roots of Japanese thought
2.1 The anthropological approach to Eastern religions as moral
2.2 Aesthetics 2.3 Identity of the imaginary and real
2.4 Shinto and national unity
2.5 The coupling of Confucianism
2.6 The contribution of Buddhism
philosophical implications 2.7 economic the influence of religious beliefs
2.8 Revisiting the Weberian concept of "disenchantment of the world
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The Japanese concept of economy in terms of epistemological
Chapter 2. The roots of Japanese thought
2.1 The anthropological approach to Eastern religions
Following the example of the work of Weber (1), we will begin analyzing the rationality of the Japanese study the influence of religious beliefs and doctrines thinking. In that regard, we now highlight a delicate question. We believe it is fundamentally wrong bogged down in dealing with detailed and specious religious doctrines without explaining their ultimate function, namely the influence on individual behavior and social organization.
The charge is paid to some Orientalists who have proliferated in recent years thanks to a trend prevalent in Western society, in the wake of an amateur interest in Eastern religions. Many of these scholars have hidden errors and methodological shortcomings of their research behind the excuse of a supposed "mystery of the Orient". Or worse, in slavish mention of names without any contact with a coherent thought or an explanatory theory.
No one should accept this approach. When you are not able to explain something, this is an indication that not only understands your subject matter (2). The work must be to clarify the intellectual thought. And when he realizes that failed to make it understandable to start over, tirelessly (3). The fact that we deal with Eastern culture does not mean you have a particular immunity. Recognizing the different rationality of Eastern thought does not imply an unconditional surrender of understanding. Able to explain the rationality Japanese is a huge effort, but you can not ever escape that this is a task of the intellectual (4).
So we do not accept the mysteries of any kind, otherwise we would not be in science, and we aim to stay there instead. Infine ricordiamo che l'idea prevalente dell'Oriente è soprattutto un'immagine falsa che ci siamo creati noi occidentali.
Un'altra osservazione riguarda il tipo di indagine esclusivamente basata sullo studio critico di testi, senza alcuna verifica sul campo. Invece l'approccio più utile allo studio della religione è quello di tipo antropologico. Crediamo che sia molto più interessante il comportamento umano rispetto alle dispute dottrinarie (5). Quindi ci avvarremo anche di nostre considerazioni che provengono da una conoscenza diretta, dalla visita in più occasioni di templi e luoghi sacri del Giappone, dalle lunghe conversazioni con i giapponesi. Ciò detto considereremo con la massima stima gli studi degli orientalisti, ma senza they influence our approach to the question which we have described above.
Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism are the three religions that have had the greatest influence in the history of Japan.
To be fair, it is inaccurate to use the term in relation to religion of Buddhism and Confucianism, as it occurs in a totally unique, and often with characteristics very different religions, especially monotheistic. Many authors, correctly, and then avoid calling them religions. We for the sake of clarity and simplicity will continue to use the term "religion", but after it is clear that this premise is to be understood in a very elastic.
2.2 Aesthetics as moral
The oldest and most primitive religion of Japan was Shinto. The word Shinto means "the way of the gods." The Japanese term to refer to is the kami. In spoken language, however, is used kamisama which is a more respectful (sonkeigo). The word Shinto did not exist and was coined only after the arrival of Buddhism in order to allow a distinction between the two religions.
Buddhism was introduced into Japan in the sixth century, while Shinto existed since time immemorial. The tradition dates back to the cult creation of the Japanese archipelago. The sun god Amaterasu Omikami would send his nephew Ninigi from which it descended Jinmu Tenno, the first emperor Japan. In 660 BC he would ascend to the throne. Even if this date is legendary (Bramsen thought that was the correct date of 130 BC) is still indicative of the time perspective that is interwoven traced by Shintoism, actually or imaginatively, with the political history of Japan.
Shinto is a religion devoid of moral teaching. It is also entirely absent "approach to the afterlife. There is an eschatology or soteriology. So it is not even placed the issue of good and evil. This in the eyes of Westerners would be a weakness of this worship, in our opinion is rather an element that makes it lighter and more flexible, penetrating into the mentality Japanese inadvertently. Shinto is rather important in the presence of purification rites to remove impurities (kegare) contracts. They Hara (exorcism), misogi (ablution) and IMI (abstinence). The concept of purification is deeply penetrated into the Japanese culture. Not only in terms of the ritual, but as psycho-social concept. Often the relationships between people are influenced by this idea of \u200b\u200bpurity and behavior in Japan is full of expressions of respect.
It is not difficult for a Westerner to see in the formalism of the Japanese performance and a continuous search for dignity. The writer Yoshida Kenko described with such specificity the attitude acuity Japanese (6). And he did not fail to point out that the Japanese themselves what constituted a difficulty in relationships and mutual understanding. The Japanese mentality of purification is also detectable in the circulation of the bath (ofuro), which primarily intended to relax at the end of the day, but also a psychological value of purification from the impurities contracted during daily activities. Essentially
Shintoism was practiced through offerings to the kami of rice, sake and other foods (Shinsen). The deals could also be fabric and paper (Gohei). This occurred mainly in the temple (jinja), but also existed in the Japanese house a small altar on a shelf (tana), which was used for this purpose.
The most interesting point for our discussion about this conception of the world where the gods were immanent in the real world. Kami pervade reality and many objects have in themselves a spirit. In Shintoism is common practice to indicate the presence of the deity through a shimenawa, a banner with strips of paper that is related to the object sacred. Even the torii, a kind of portal, signaling the presence of the divine in the natural sites at the Shinto temples. So nature is seen as the essence of the divine spirit.
In this sense, the miracle is not conceived in the West, the deity can not arise because of the nature in Shinto la divinità è parte integrante della natura stessa. Così il tifone che distrusse nel 1281 la flotta dell'invasore Kublai Khan, poi chiamato kamikaze (vento sacro), sarebbe stato un atto divino realizzato tramite un semplice fenomeno naturale.
Importante è capire questo punto per comprendere come il pensiero giapponese sia ben poco caratterizzato da elementi sovrannaturali o di superstizione che vengono comunemente attribuiti al pensiero orientale. Il misticismo esiste, ma in modo differente da come immaginato dagli occidentali. Il giapponese vede e sente la magia, ma una magia che è nella realtà. Ogni oggetto e ogni azione pur minima è caricata di un valore che noi occidentali ignoriamo. L'incantesimo del giapponese è scoprire una sorta di magia nella realtà quotidiana.
Soltanto così si può apprezzare il sofisticato chado (oppure sado ), la cerimonia del tè, il quale non ha in sé nulla di particolarmente strano. Si tratta esclusivamente di preparare e servire il tè in una atmosfera di armonia seguendo un rituale di gesti che sono funzionali a una operazione pratica. La cerimonia del tè è la dimostrazione del senso della realtà giapponese. Un'azione comune diventa straordinaria. Ciò accade perché nel reale è compresente l'immaginario.
Questo ci riporta all'importante concetto di aware a cui abbiamo accennato alla fine del precedente capitolo. Secondo la definizione di Piero Corradini l'aware è la "compenetrazione dell'animo with the surrounding world "(7). It is realized in daily life." This share in the life of things around us is also expressed in the feeling of love for the little things that nature bestows, such as flowers and grass ". Corradini also acknowledged that the aware is" one of the important features that form the moral conscience of Japan. "
We believe that the aware is not fully understood without the identity of the imaginary and real that we discuss shortly. The Japanese give a value completely different objects, invested with emotional meanings unknown to us.
Corradini recognizes that the base is aware of the "moral conscience Japanese, but it seems to forget that this is a well- moral diversity that is based on aesthetic criteria. It is not particularly relevant.
The central idea of \u200b\u200bour study is that to understand economic phenomena and developed a complex society such as Japan it is necessary to use a suitable concept of rationality. Then locate the foundations of rationality that is the essential step and imprescindibile.Ciò which appears as a gradient can be rather critical. In the long term and on a macroscopic scale the sum of the small difference creates a gulf between the Japanese thought irretrievably from the West. In conclusion, we can interpret
Shintoism as something more than just a cult. If it is missing in Shintoism But we have a doctrine, as we have seen, a look at the role of high morale. Choices regarding the conduct are guided by aesthetic rather than ethical standards. The concept of beauty is very important for Japanese. According to the Japanese beauty is more than one characteristic, it is an absolute value.
The Japanese language is full of expressions that indicate the emotional involvement caused by beauty. For example, Kanashii Hodo utsukushii (nice to sadness). Perhaps a poem by Saigyo among the best known and loved by the Japanese, is clearer than any other explanation:
Negawakuwa
hana no shita nite haru
shinamu
are no
Kisaragi Mochizuki no koro
want to die in the spring under the cherry trees in bloom, the full moon of March
You can see the tragic theme of death is transcended by a superior aesthetic perception of beauty that reassembles it into a detached view and aesthetic life.
2.3 Identity of the imaginary and real
If we were to translate into Japanese the title of this section, "Identity of the imaginary and real," we would be somewhat in difficulty. In fact, the Japanese idea of \u200b\u200breality is so distant from us that even at the linguistic level words that translate this concept does not seem to make the Western idea. The term most similar to "reality" is genjitsu. In fact, choose to translate genjitsu "reality" would be grammatically correct. But it would also philosophically? A Japanese dictionary lookup can clarify our ideas. Let us see some definitions:
Ima ni manoatari arukoto.
The things you see with your own eyes.
Ima ni aru jissai jijitsu ya jota.
The facts and circumstances at the time really exist.
Ima, Jan jijitsu Toshie sonzai ni shite iru kotogara.
these things exist and are true. (8)
Apparently, at least from a linguistic comparison, would be wrong. The estimated difference between the concept of reality and reality Japanese Western not exist. At this superficial level differences are not distinguished, nor problems of any kind. But the situation is really so? We see in particular how the Western concept of reality has evolved and as it does not match the Japanese concept of reality. We have already mentioned how the separation of spirit and matter is non-existent in the Japanese way of thinking. In ancient times it was believed that the kami were present in the objects and the very nature was regarded as sacred. In the West
clearer separation between the spirit world and the world of matter was made by René Descartes through the distinction of res cogitans (thought) and res extensa (matter). Historically, the Cartesian method had so successful that end up being incorporated into modern science. This distinction was strong enough to address all the philosophy of science, and especially the philosophy of language, on a number of issues and problems that arise solely because Westerners have acquired these categories of thought. The latest development of this subdivision was proposed by Karl Popper who distinguished: the physical world, the psychic world and the world of ideas (9).
Incidentally we would like to point out that Western thought to proceed through separations and distinctions, selectively, while Eastern thought considers things in their totality, in a holistic manner. If this was already in Shintoism a unifying principle of reality linking kami and objects in the same world, with the contribution of Buddhism we further dematerialization of objects. Buddhism denies the reality asserts its concreteness and the impermanence of all things. So it is very difficult to say that there is a distinct reality from the spirit. One of the most famous expressions of Japanese ukiyo is a term that originated in a Buddhist environment. Ukiyo literally means "floating world", and indicates the material world perceived by the senses. But this world is just short-lived, evanescent and fleeting, illusory, and therefore less certain of the teachings of Buddha which is the only acceptable certainty. It is known as an abstract concept, and the Buddha his teaching, to become more "real" world of material being de-legitimized (10).
The crucial point is that the material world is not opposed to the spiritual world, it is simply denied its existence. There is only one world, that manifests itself in a plurality of worlds because of the misleading meaning. The plurality is thus only an effect of the senses. The Buddhist doctrine considers the universe unit, so it would be inconceivable distinction of spirit and matter. The influence of Buddhism is inserted into the existing concept of immanent Shintoism providing further reinforcement to a unified conception of reality. Buddhism can be said that the world is impermanent ed effimero perché crede che esista una sola sostanza: res extensa (materia) e res cogitans (pensiero) coincidono.
Così far coincidere l'immaginario, il mondo psichico e del pensiero, con il reale, il mondo fisico, ci sembra il passo più naturale per avvicinarci al pensiero giapponese. La sovrapposizione di immaginario e reale non implica soltanto una visione mitica e magica, ciò che Weber chiamava "incanto" (Zauber), anzi al contrario. Credo che questo punto saliente sia stato risolto con efficacia da un "teorico della fantasia". Gianni Rodari, nel saggio la Grammatica della fantasia, esprime un'idea non comune (11). La fantasia non erode il pensiero scientifico ma collabora alla sua elaborazione. Pensiero scientifico and creative thinking are not in opposition. According Rodari the knowledge comes from playing with reality. The moment when you mess around and pretend with reality (and imaginative play) and when you try to know (information) alternate net without a fracture. These considerations apparently read, call into question the Western concept of rationality from the roots. Even
Alberto Moravia had noticed in his travels to Japan to differing perceptions of reality by the Japanese. He describes the lightness of Japan in an article for the Corriere della Sera (6 October 1957) by comparing the country to the lightness of a sheet of paper (12). It is no coincidence that they were of fiction writers to perceive this difference and to show best of sociologists and psychologists. When the anthropologist Ruth Benedict analyzed the Japanese cultural traits, she remade in large part to Japanese fiction, citing especially Natsume Soseki.
But the identity of real and imaginary has both advantages and disadvantages. A difficulty exists in developing abstract concepts as well as in Western thought. The situation is this: the Japanese have never had a distinction in the two substances, one material and one spiritual. So they end up dealing in abstract ideas very concrete and real objects in an abstract manner. As the Japanese transformed through abstraction, concrete objects in opere simboliche è dimostrato da tutta l'arte giapponese sia tradizionale che contemporanea. Viceversa molti pensatori giapponesi hanno mostrato più volte la difficoltà di rendere nella lingua giapponese i concetti astratti delle lingue occidentali. E spesso la soluzione è stata trovata inventando parole o adattando vocaboli stranieri.
Il pensiero giapponese è molto concreto e legato a metafore che si rifanno a oggetti materiali caricati di significati simbolici, ma pur sempre cose concrete. Una costruzione per concetti è difficile e la stessa lingua ostacola questa elaborazione.
Gli studenti universitari giapponesi studiano concetti astratti formulati da pensatori occidentali, ma a volte hanno enormi problemi di comprensione. Ad esempio, Saussure's distinction in meaning (the making of the Phonic word, its sound) and signified (the concept of the word), translated into Japanese with the terms and shoki noki, is a good illustration of these linguistic problems that arise from conceptual apparatus structurally different. The Japanese did not surrender to these terms helps students because the kanji (Chinese characters) used recall the concepts in question, but not immediately. The first uses the word not (ability), while the second sho (site), with ki (description). A careful analysis reveals that the construction of these words is correct, but the fact remains that this is not intuitive. This is because the value concept in the Japanese language is less predominant than expressive, descriptive, and conventional. The difficulty of translation is therefore not attributable to the ability of authors, but the basics of reasoning that are structurally different and are thus in the language of a fee (13).
Even Weber was aware of this gap and to allocate responsibility for the development in China and Japan of the primacy of writing than to verbal communication and dialectic: "[...]
thought was confined to a much higher in the visual and the power of the logos, the definition of the argument and not parted [...]"( 14)
Weber believed have also identified the socio-historical causes: "[...]
not talking, but the writing and reading as receiving artistic products of the writing activities were considered the true artistic value and worthy of a gentleman. The talk was essentially a vulgar thing. "
And the comparison with the West was served:
"In complete contrast to Hellenism, for which the conversation was all over and transposition in the style of dialogue was the appropriate representation of every experience and every discovery [ ...]"( 15)
Indeed, the difference between spoken language (hanashikotoba) and written language (kakikotoba) is very pronounced in Japanese moderno, e lo era ancora di più nel giapponese antico. Se poi si pensa all'importanza della calligrafia (shodo) che è ritenuta un'arte superiore alla pittura, allora si deve considerare con molta attenzione l'osservazione di Weber.
Comunque, qualunque siano state le cause di questa diversa evoluzione del linguaggio, è indubbio che esse hanno segnato lo sviluppo del pensiero giapponese. Probabilmente non esiste una sola causa, ma un insieme di fattori concomitanti. Difficilmente un solo motivo avrebbe potuto segnare così radicalmente tale evoluzione. Infatti, come ci insegna Max Weber, ma anche sociologi contemporanei come Niklas Luhmann, è solo nel sistema complessivo che le diverse variabili possono avere valore.
Qui abbiamo shown some factors that directed the development of unique Japanese thought, but later on it will look for still others.
But back to religion. The religious attitude of the Japanese is therefore very pragmatic. The deity has a kind of very practical function, and the individual has little or no duty towards him. So the Japanese, with regard to religion, has no problems of any kind of moral conduct. This attitude leads to the well-known Japanese phenomenon of religious syncretism, or borrow from other religions in its most comfortable right now. An anecdote says that the Japanese choose according to the ritual of ceremonial beauty: born Shinto, marry with the Christian wedding ceremony, celebrate the Buddhist funeral rite.
The indifference of the Japanese toward religion is a fact. The idea of \u200b\u200ba Japanese mystic is thus a Western stereotype. And so it was also in the past. This refute those who believe that modernization has led to a destruction of the philosophical and religious tradition. In truth there has never been anything like as has been imagined by Westerners.
But if it is true that the conduct of religious life is so free, it is equally true that in terms of what Durkheim called the collective consciousness of the influence is strong. As you can see, does not exist in Japanese culture a core set of doctrines that provide us directly sistema di credenze, ma dobbiamo ricavarlo volta per volta da elementi diversi e disparati con uno sforzo enorme di concentrazione. E così dobbiamo procedere seguendo un tracciato finissimo e quasi inconsistente.
Ciò giustifica la difficoltà degli studiosi occidentali nell'affrontare l'argomento e il fatto che essi siano rimasti sbaragliati da tante e tali complessità. Perciò abbiamo insistito, e continuiamo a insistere, sulla necessità del metodo. Non esiste una strada già spianata che ci porti direttamente al concetto giapponese di razionalità e alle implicazioni economiche e sociali che ne derivano.
2.4 Shintoismo e unità nazionale
La mitologia shintoista si intreccia con la storia giapponese legitimizing the imperial power and national unity. So the relationship between social structure and beliefs is very narrow and deserves greater attention. Japan has based its political unity based on a symbolic immmaginaria which is a strong psychological identity. Instead, the Western states are inspired by the Enlightenment model of the social contract and the free association of individuals around a unity of purpose.
In the West the political dialectic has taken shape, where the clash of ideas and political programs is necessary for the free exercise of power. In Japan, the idea of \u200b\u200bthe state was influenced by Confucian philosophy and its principle of respect for the rules (in Japanese rei them in Chinese).
This conception of politics can be summed up with what we define as the concept of harmony. So we have an immediate idea of \u200b\u200bthe two different political views: the dialectic of Western and Japanese harmony. We can summarize them in their characteristics in a pattern of dichotomies.
Dialectic / Harmony
Confllittuale and discursive / combining and silent
Enlightenment philosophical matrix / array Confucian philosophical
But before reaching the Confucian conception of the state, Japan has had to create a unique culture and politics that was not immediate and easy . Shintoism played a central role in this story. The popular Japanese the current coming from the South Sea islands (Polynesia and Malaysia). They clashed with the indigenous population, the Ainu, Caucasians. The Shinto mythology recalls these events in the text of Kojiki (712) and Nihongi (720).
symbols of national unity are the mirror (Yata no kagami), necklace (Yasaka no magatama ni), and the sword (Ame no Murakumo no Tsurugi) that the goddess Amaterasu Omikami Ninigi gave to his nephew. The mirror image of the solar disk draws the sword the expedition against the Ainu, and the necklace is a traditional symbol of power of the people of the South Seas.
Shinto also represents the first form of social gathering. The tutelary deity (ujigami) of the place was the equivalent of the totemic symbol around which the family was the uji, that in ethnological terms is defined as a clan. Another particular relevance is the matriarchal organization of ancient Japan. This is not only indicated by the mythology that sees a sun goddess as the founder, but the Chinese texts (in particular, the Wei Chih of the third century AD) who report a queen Pimiku (Himiko in modern Japanese) at the head of the country of Yamata (the Yamato region of central Japan). As we have seen
Shinto is essentially an ancestral religion that has its roots in ancient past of the Japanese. But it does not exhaust its strength even with the impact of modernity. In times and various other reasons, Shinto was revived and reworked along with the concepts that have seen so far.
One of those many apparent contradictions in Japan, was the vigorous return of Shintoism in the nineteenth century, during the period of modernization. The restoration of imperial power, with the passage of effective government by the shogun to the emperor, also signaled the need for a strong legitimacy of that power. The ruling class of Japan was so engaged in an extensive process of reform of the state. Even religion was subject to strict scrutiny. Shinto became the state religion (Kokka Shinto).
With the edict of 1882, he distinguished two types of Shinto: Shinto temple (Jinja shinto) and Shinto sects (Kyoho shinto). The first had an institutional role, the second was that of popular worship. Shinto temple was under the control of the Ministry of Interior, while Shinto cult was entrusted to the Ministry of Education.
It also tried to purify Shinto by mingling with Buddhism, particularly the ryobu Shinto developed from monaco Kobo Daishi (774-835). The ryobu Shinto syncretic form of Buddhism and Shintoism, was declared illegal. The emperors, and special characters, they were kami proclaimed, and they were shooting some theories and studies Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801), Atsutane Hirata (1776-1843), Kada no Azumamaro (1669-1736), Kitabatake Chikafusa (1293-1354).
If you pause to reflect on these historical events, you can see the originality of acting rationally in Japan. While in the West in the nineteenth century positivist spirit clashed with the religious feeling of a final breakthrough in the attempt of science over religion in Japan was around the obstacle. Instead of trying to remove the religious sentiment, it is channeled in a controlled manner and if they used the power of charisma. Those who had organized this institutional structure had a clear idea of \u200b\u200bwhat he was doing. This type of rationality that takes into account the imaginary factors and beliefs are unusual in the West. We are dealing with an act aimed at a purpose that makes use of a traditional attitude. Probably the Japanese rationality acting simultaneously on different floors in the West would be that instead of conflict.
The European history has known ideologies that have taken advantage of the collective imagination, but they had to invent and build a mythology that legitimized. In fact, those formulations were based on theories that have ended with the political experience of the respective regimes. Instead, the Japanese government of the Meiji period (1868-1912) used a pre-existing mythology that was already rooted in the Japanese mentality and was independent of the regime. In addition, it was so strong that it can not be eliminated by the end of that political power.
This is a fact that has important historical significance. After the defeat of World War II, Japan was occupied by U.S. military, only regaining independence in 1952. Considering the communist threat and the situation in Korea, was American interest that Japan would return to a normal state. It was therefore a reasonable choice and considered not to deprive the Emperor despite what he had represented during the war. The American occupation forces do not even think of processing the Emperor to judge its responsibilities in the conflict, even if they had power. And in the drafting of the Japanese Constitution (May 3, 1947), the first articles were devoted to the figure of the Emperor, still recognizing the symbolic value and institutional. Probably the work of Ruth Benedict, anthropologist who was commissioned by the U.S. government a detailed study on Japan, had been read carefully. She stressed the symbolic importance of the Emperor, and Japanese politics since the unit depended on cultural factors, and the system of beliefs from the collective.
2.5 The coupling of Confucianism
Many authors tend to define the Japanese company neoconfuciana. We too have used the adjective "Confucian," but we believe that this is a somewhat confusing terminology and obsolete. As we are seeing many and those elements that make up the original Japanese rationality. Japan also is dangerous to associate only a Chinese philosophy that has had only one part, albeit an important one in its history. It is clear that Japan is very different from China. China is a traditional society whose economic units are still families. Japan is a society built-adaptive (ie, able to adapt and integrate scientific and technological innovations of other civilizations to their social structure). And his economic units are the working groups and businesses. The authors compare Chinese
China to a pile of sand and Japan to a granite boulder. According to the Chinese Japanese social structure is more rigid than that of China. In fact, the process of rationalization of Japanese society is so advanced that the Chinese point of view is too rigid.
not forget that Weber had called the rationalization of society as a "steel cage". It is interesting comparison which are then passed on to the Japanese in their society and that using the image of the western wall.
First you have to remember how they are made behind the walls of Japanese castles and their particular construction technique. They were built with irregular stones of various sizes and shapes stuck to art. The walls are made of rocks western instead perfectly squadrati e uguali. Questo è forse il segreto delle due diverse forme di razionalità? L'Occidente ha bisogno di omologare e rendere conformi le componenti prima che entrino a far parte di uno schema. Il Giappone non cambia le diversità, ma le adatta in modo congeniale. L'Occidente opera una modificazione che precede il processo, mentre il Giappone non modifica la natura delle cose ma interviene durante il processo di assemblaggio. Si vede in che maniera sia radicalmente diversa la razionalità giapponese. Quindi è bene analizzare come e in quale misura il confucianesimo è stato adottato in Giappone per capire meglio queste differenze.
Il confucianesimo arrivò in Giappone insieme al sistema di scrittura cinese (VI secolo circa). Come si has seen the first Japanese community organizations, the uji were very primitive. The Chinese culture was then initially inspired by the model of the emerging Japanese state. Obviously, this affects only hit the educated classes and the aristocracy. The first capital of Japan, Nara (710) and Kyoto (794), mimicked the topography of the Chinese capital. In particular, the model was Ch'ang-an, the capital of the T'ang Dynasty of China. Even today, visiting Kyoto, we realize immediately of the urban and the particular stretch of road is very different from other Japanese cities.
In the Tokugawa period there was a further flowering of Confucianism with the work of Ito Jinsai (1627-1705) and Ogyu Sorai (1666-1728), scholars known for their scientific and rational attitude. The use of Confucianism was thus instrumental and limited to political and institutional aspects. Anyone who has studied Confucius becomes immediately aware of what is so limited that perspective.
The principle of the philosophy of Confucius, which was more developed and adopted by the Japanese is that of the guilty (in Chinese there), or respect the rules. As Ruth Benedict also pointed out, was rather neglected the principle of jin (Chinese jen), translated as benevolence or humanity (16). Japanese scholars had knowledge but did not know how to make it appropriate to Japanese society. Ruth Benedict did not explain the reasons for this absence. But those who have adequate knowledge of Confucius knows that the principle of jin is the most important and fundamental part of his philosophy. The housekeeper and a good citizen can not ignore this principle. Because the concept of benevolence was alien to Japanese culture, while respecting the rules was considered essential? The explanations are psycho-social. As we have seen the individual Japanese have a very strong emotional relationship with the objects of reality (see the concept of aware). If the Japanese had the same transport, even against people, their behavior would be uncontrollable and socially destructive. Imagine a community where the emotional excesses reigned as the overwhelming passion, exasperated jealousy, envy, harmful, furious anger, hatred, implacable, etc.. We're not talking about a guess. Reading the news stories of the court, we realize that this was a real danger. As for the irrationality of the feelings threaten the social and psychic balance in Japanese you can read Genji Monogatari, the masterpiece of Japanese literature, history of the loves of the court of Prince Genji. Even Diaries (Nikki) of the author, Murasaki Shikibu, are useful for the understanding of this situation.
The principle of benevolence was therefore incompatible with the Japanese character. There could be no goodness without the risk that this be turned into an uncontrollable weave feelings. Much better to follow the formal rules and seek a separation that preserves the individual from the office of destructive emotions.
If you want to understand how serious this issue even in modern times, simply read Kokoro, Natsume Soseki's masterpiece (1867-1916). Perhaps the West have found a different way to avoid the destructive power of emotions, as well as Sigmund Freud teaches us, through sublimation. Or Westerners, have simply accepted their emotional excesses without being too afraid.
In Japanese culture's emotional excesses are seen as totally negative in the context of social life. Also available in Japan through the art of sublimation. It certainly has an important value. The magnificent development of the arts in Japan is not so casual, but even this explanation. The fact remains that repress their feelings (or kanjou osaeru) is according to a Japanese virtue. In this sense, Confucianism was understood primarily as an organizational model that allowed civil society to achieve a controllable.
2.6 The contribution of philosophy of Buddhism
According to Buddhism, evil is attachment to things of this world. This attachment is produced by desire. The origin of desires is mainly psychological in nature, so the human suffering is caused by his thoughts.
The state of satori (enlightenment) è quindi la condizione perfetta in cui l'uomo raggiunge il distacco dal mondo e il vuoto mentale. Eliminare il pensiero è la strategia del buddhismo per togliere la sofferenza. Ma lo stato di satori non è solo una condizione di privazione in cui si è eliminata la sofferenza.
Accanto a ciò c'è la convinzione che lo stato di satori permetta una conoscenza immediata e perfetta dell'universo. Possiamo spiegare ciò in maniera da non essere criptici. Se la mente non è concentrata sul pensiero, essa è in grado di cogliere tutte le percezioni sensoriali in maniera immediata e perfetta. Dogen spiegava tale idea in questo modo: "Tenete le mani aperte, e tutta la sabbia del deserto passerà tra le vostre dita. Chiudete le mani, cling only a few grains of sand. "
The devaluation of thought as a means of knowledge is a central philosophy of the Japanese even today. Obviously, the positions are different and can go from a total disregard of thought at a moderate power distance and scale of value of thought. But the Japanese philosophy is not limited to a simple yet critical, as shown briefly, it rests on a conception of being totally different. The first Western philosophers (Martin Heidegger and Karl Löwith) who dealt with the matter noticed Such a difference immediately. It could not be otherwise, since the Japanese philosophy was very clear on this point.
According la filosofia giapponese è il nulla (mu) a costituire l'essenza dell'universo. Nello sforzo di rendere comprensibile tale concetto i filosofi giapponesi diedero diverse definizioni del nulla: "niente assoluto" (Nishida Kitaro), "vuoto" (Nishitani Keiji), "sé senza forma" (Hisamatsu Shin'ichi), "mediazione assoluta" (Tanabe Hajime). L'argomento è talmente vasto che merita una discussione approfondita e più ampia in un capitolo a parte. Qui l'accenno è funzionale a una spiegazione dei tratti essenziali della razionalità giapponese e alle cosiddette radici del pensiero giapponese.
Si è visto come la filosofia giapponese derivi dal buddhismo, in particolare lo zen, una svalutazione dell'elaborazione conceptual. So it's a bit 'funny when you talk of Japanese thought the most important doctrine of this philosophy denies any value just at the thought.
Yet this contradiction does not exist because the concept of contradiction is quite Western. You must accept the embarrassment of Western scholars, including our own, as natural and inevitable. Often the description in Western languages \u200b\u200bof Japanese words or concepts becomes ridiculous. The Japanese language has evolved along with the remarkable sensitivity of the Japanese people, and the transition from Japan to a foreign language always involves an immeasurable loss. What the student needs in this case is a good dose of humility and a lot of courage. Despite the fact that the errors-horrors shown so far, are not afraid to clash with the apparent contradictions and unclear points. On the contrary, we find all points inconsistent and obscure to show that the solution depends on the adoption of a different logic.
The lower value is attributed to the thinking in Japan is also among the reasons that created the situation where we lack a theoretical mentioned from the outset. While Western scholars were not equipped with adequate tools to study the rationality of Japanese, Japanese across the philosophers had no interest in dealing with a subject seemingly foreign to their way of seeing.
Today the situation is radicalmente cambiando grazie a una maggiore collaborazione internazionale. Ma ci sembra che si stiano muovendo solo i primi timidi passi. Se siamo i primi ad affermare l'esistenza di un diverso concetto di razionalità alla base dell'agire giapponese, ciò è assai indicativo della situazione degli studi in questo ambito.
Ma cosa pensano i giapponesi di se stessi? Davvero esiste una differenza tanto marcata fra pensiero giapponese e pensiero occidentale? Possiamo continuare a usare il termine "pensiero giapponese" e che senso avrebbe ciò? Per fortuna la sociologia giapponese ci è di aiuto fornendoci un vocabolo che risponde a queste domande: nihonjinron (giapponesità). La parola nihonjinron viene spesso tradotta, per ragioni di semplicità, con "giapponesità". In effetti il significato completo di questo termine è "teoria della specificità della cultura giapponese". Questa parola è composta da nihonjin (individuo giapponese) e ron (teoria) (17). L'esistenza di questo vocabolo nell'ambito della scienza ci è di conforto e sostegno. Esso indica che esiste il problema che stiamo affrontando, una diversità del modo di pensare giapponese, anche nell'ambito della scienza giapponese. Inoltre il termine nihonjinron è molto vicino all'idea e all'uso che noi facciamo dell'espressione "pensiero giapponese".
2.7 Implicazioni economiche per l’influenza delle credenze religiose
Weber aveva mostrato che l'etica protestante was essential as a driving force of capitalism. But in Buddhism there are also factors that contribute to economic development. Buddhism cheapens and degrades the material goods, and to the detriment of the accumulation of property and capital. But that does not mean a drying up of the economy, on the contrary. Non-attachment to the property encourages the conversion of capital assets. This extraordinary impetus to the production is not found in other ideological systems. Even the much praised "the spirit of capitalism" described by Weber comes to that. These forms of capitalism are the inverse operations. The goal of Western capitalism is profit. Production is a means to profit. The goal is the production of Japanese capitalism. The capital is a means to boost production.
The economic policy of the United States and Japan are evidence of these two lines of thought. In times of crisis, the Japanese government invests in public expenditure (Keynesian economic policy), while the U.S. government cuts and layoffs. In March 1998 the Japanese government launched an operation against the crisis with a budget of 100 trillion lira in favor of troubled banks and a decrease in taxes of 130,000 billion lire. The ethic is an ethic of Japanese production. It was not what you have, it's what you do. But Buddhism
e il confucianesimo aggiungono un elemento assente nel capitalismo occidentale: il riconoscimento nel gruppo. Mentre l'etica protestante è un etica individualista (è sufficiente ricordare l'importanza del rapporto singolo-Dio descritto da Kierkegaard), l'etica buddhista e confuciana sono etiche del gruppo. Il buddhismo mortifica l'individualismo come vanità umana. Il confucianesimo esalta la collettività. In questa differenza c'è la natura totalmente diversa delle due forme di capitalismo. Il capitalismo occidentale sostiene la libera concorrenza ed esalta l'individualismo, il capitalismo giapponese favorisce la coesione sociale e incoraggia il gruppo.
2.8 Rivisitazione del concetto weberiano di "disincanto del mondo"
In light of the above, we believe our duty to review Weber's ideas about the Eastern religions, particularly in the case of Japan. First we saw the substantial indifference of the Japanese towards religion and this is as it penetrated to a deeper cultural level and less showy. This makes us understand that it is in the theory of religious doctrine that we can understand the relationship between thought and behavior, but only deeper. Weber was right to see in Japanese culture still irrational thinking. But this is far from being an obstacle to the process of organizing society. There are two reasons that explain the power of rationalization of Japanese thought:
1) The wonder and magic meets Japanese pragmatism, in the union of real and imaginary on which we insisted. Japanese The magic is not supernatural, it's all earthly and sensual.
2) The imagination is not the enemy of scientific thought. This contradiction does not arise.
So the word "irrational" should be replaced "different rationality." E "irrational thinking" should be corrected to "thinking of a different rationality." These are the ideas of Weber fruitful if they are further processed.
In Japan there was a modernization and industrialization without the "disenchantment of the world." Weber called "disenchantment" (Entzauberung) the process of rationalization in society that caused the elimination of mythical beliefs, magic and religion in favor of logical and instrumental.
In Japan, there could be no disappointment because there was nothing from which disenchanted. There has never been a conception of God as in the West, has never believed in a spirit detached from the subject, has never given the nature versus human. The sacred, spiritual, thought they were very close to material things. So
imagination has never been affected by the scientific thought because it has always lived among concrete objects. The Japanese are still able di sognare a occhi aperti e contemporaneamente d'essere di una concretezza disarmante. Avremo occasione di parlare di Morita Akio, il fondatore della Sony, un personaggio che raffigura in sé questi aspetti della mentalità giapponese. Se usiamo il termine "sogno americano" per descrivere la capacità d'impresa e lo spirito d'iniziativa del capitalismo occidentale nordamericano, dovremmo trovare un equivalente per l'idealismo, l'ambizione e l'intraprendenza giapponese.
Ma prima di andare oltre fermiamoci ad analizzare una apparente contraddizione: il comportamento pragmatico guidato da una visione idealista della vita. Spesso le azioni dei giapponesi ci appaiono incoerenti e irrazionali. A volte sembrano spiegabili come una sorta di idealismo fino agli estremi del fanatismo, altre volte come concrete fino al limite dello strumentalismo.
Entrambi questi elementi sono presenti e inscindibili. L'individuo giapponese è essenzialmente un idealista, crede nel progresso, nell'armonia della società, nei valori della bellezza, ma il suo comportamento è concreto e pragmatico.
Questa difficoltà di comprensione è un problema tutto occidentale. Finché si useranno le categorie del pensiero occidentale, e soprattutto il sistema di divisioni e distinzioni, tutto del mondo giapponese ci apparirà bizzarro come il "paese delle meraviglie". Ma al suo interno è del tutto coerente, spesso più delle società occidentali.
Bisogna decidere se penetrare in questo or remain in our world. It is not only a scientific problem, but an act of courage. You will notice that we are entering in the structure of Japanese thought their rationality using the Japanese, eliminating the distinctions and dichotomies of Western thought. We're dismantling the world as it was built by the West and rebuild the Japanese way.
We believe that so far the uncertainty has slowed Western scholars who have attempted to explain the Japanese company. That fear that anyone would take before the unknown and the feeling of losing all the points of reference. So these were analyzed by Western Japanese society with the categories of Western thought, and no wonder, therefore, if the result was a total misunderstanding.
Notes 1. See Weber, Max, The sociology of religion, UTET, Torino, 1997.
2. Plato is the most prominent accuser of this malpractice: "[...] are not able to distinguish the aspects of the subject matter and investigate it thoroughly, but try to contradict the argument opposing the issue by reducing it to pure terminology [. ..]". Plato, The Republic, Laterza, Bari, 1997, p. 309, vv. 445th.
3. See Weber, Max, The intellectual work as a profession, Einaudi, Torino, 1948.
4. Lafcadio Hearn (1850-1904) spoke of the enormous difficulty in perceiving and "[...] comprendere ciò che è sotto la superficie della vita giapponese". Egli riteneva che fosse impossibile "[...] prima di almeno cinquant'anni, scrivere un testo che raffiguri il Giappone dall'interno, storicamente e socialmente, psicologicamente ed eticamente". Hearn, Lafcadio, Japan: an attempt at interpretation, Tuttle, Tokyo, 1959, p. 1.
5. Si leggano, per esempio, i lavori di Emile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss, Lévy-Bruhl, Bronislaw Malinowski, Claude Lévi-Strauss e Franz Boas. La religione viene considerata dagli antropologi all'interno del sistema sociale ed economico, e sempre in relazione al sistema complessivo di credenze.
6. Yoshida, Kenko, Tsurezuregusa, Koten Bunko, Tokyo, 1959.
7. Corradini, Piero, Japan and its history, Bulzoni, Rome, 1999, pp. 442-443.
8. The dictionaries consulted were: Daiyamondo kokugojiten (Dictionary of Japanese Diamond), Shubun, Tokyo, 1997; Gakushuukanjijiten (Dictionary of kanji), Shogakukan, Tokyo, 1972; Denshijiten Canon IDX-9500 (electronic dictionary compiled in collaboration with the publisher Gakken ).
9. See Popper, Karl and Eccles, John, The Self and Its Brain, Armando, Rome, 1981
10. In an interesting essay (in Japanese), the sociologist Hashizume discusses the philosophical differences between Western and Buddhist thought. Hashizume believes that Western thought is profoundly different from the Japanese, and look at the philosophy Wittgenstein's an alternative by comparing the language-game exercises Kouan of Buddhist monks. This bold attempt to highlight the difficulties and differences between Western thought and the thought of Japan. So much so that in its own way Hashizume interprets Wittgenstein, to say, so contrived, that the thought of Wittgenstein was rejected by the West as opposed to the Judeo-Christian tradition. See Hashizume, Daisaburo, no Bukkyo gensetsu senryaku, in "Gendaishiso," special issue vols. 13-14, Seidosha, Tokyo, 1985, pp. 272-291.
11. Rodari, Gianni, The Grammar of Fantasy, Einaudi, Torino, 1973. pp. 102-106. The mention of Rodari is not arbitrary. Japanese scholars italianistica considerano con la massima stima il lavoro di Rodari. A tale proposito è interessante leggere l'edizione giapponese della Grammatica della fantasia: Kubota, Tomio (a cura di), Fantajii no bunpo, Chikuma Shobo, Tokyo, 1978.
12. Moravia, Alberto,Viaggi. Articoli 1930-1990, Bompiani, Milano, 1994. Importanti anche le osservazioni di Italo Calvino nel suo viaggio in Giappone: Calvino, Italo, Collezione di sabbia, Mondadori, Milano,1994, pp. 167-201.
13. L'esempio ci è stato suggerito da una allieva del linguista giapponese Kori Shiro.
14. Weber, Max, La sociologia delle religioni, op. cit., p. 541.
15. Ibidem, p. 540.
16. Benedict, Ruth, Il crisantemo e la spada, Rizzoli, Milan, 1991, p. 131-132.
17. The importance of nihonjinron there was signaled by Kosaku Yoshino sociologist at the conference "Japanese Culture" held in Tokyo at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (September 4, 1998).
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