Article published by the Japanese militarism Nipponico.com site.
Fukoku kyohei
Militarism, colonialism and the free market of Christian Martorella
June 19, 2005. The expression Fukoku Kyohei (rich country and strong army) was the slogan used in the Meiji era (1868-1912) that best describes militarism (gunkokushugi) that permeates modern Japan until the mid-twentieth century. Argument is often spoken lightly falling in the usual way working current instrumental ideology, without understanding what are the motivations for the protagonists of the story. So you need to do some 'clarity even at the cost of being unconventional and controversial. Above will be the comparative historical method (1) to allow us to analyze adverse events liberating vision of ideology. Do not forget that the historic Noro Eitaro (1900-1934) in his History of the development of Japanese Capitalism (Nihon shihonshugi hattatsushi) first to demonstrate the validity of the comparative method applied to the Japanese history (2).
The purpose of our analysis will therefore sull'esplicazione the relationship between militarism and the free market, highlighting the following points:
1) Difference between the modern capitalist militarism and militarism aristocratic feudal
2) Origins of the extreme rural Japanese right and weakness of the liberal bourgeoisie;
3) Japanese imitation of Western military and colonial model;
4) Persistence of military types "rich country and strong army" in the democracies of the twenty-first century.
The distinction between aristocratic samurai warriors ed esercito nazionale di plebei della leva obbligatoria, appare chiaramente evidenziando alcuni eventi cruciali della storia. La coscrizione obbligatoria per l’esercito fu avviata nel 1873, ed era soltanto uno dei passaggi di un grande processo di mutamento della struttura sociale giapponese. I samurai erano stati per secoli i migliori funzionari del Giappone feudale. Oltre ad essere guerrieri abilissimi, erano preparati nelle lettere e nelle arti, risultando un ottimo strumento dell’amministrazione finché non apparve con risalto il declino del potere dello shogun. Il Giappone feudale si scontrò con le nazioni colonialiste occidentali, presentando l’impossibilità di competere con l’organizzazione moderna industriale, anche e soprattutto con la struttura burocratica nazionalista degli stati capitalisti del XIX secolo. Il Giappone era un efficiente impero feudale dell’Oriente, ciò non era però sufficiente per un confronto paritario con la forza militare dell’Occidente finché non fosse divenuto uno stato moderno capitalista. D’altronde era la forza militare che garantiva la penetrazione dei commerci occidentali nelle colonie, garantendo l’esistenza di un libero mercato imposto con l’uso delle armi (3). La coscrizione obbligatoria era soltanto un passaggio della trasformazione del Giappone. Però i samurai, esclusi e ridimensionati nella nuova società, si ribellarono all’evidente svantaggio che li privava dei privilegi e diritti della casta aristocratic, from right to wear two swords in public symbol of the warrior. Already in 1874 there was a Saga an uprising led by Eto Shinpei (1834-1874) stifled by the government. In 1876, the rebellion of the samurai was to Kumamoto. Shortly after the revolt broke out in Kagoshima, where fifteen thousand samurai fought with forty thousand peasants enlisted by the government and well equipped. The rebel leader was Saigo Takamori (1827-1877), a former minister who resigned in protest and valiant warrior. But the samurai had become obsolete both technically and politically, and could not resist the advance of reforms propelled the coupling industry and capital. On September 24, 1877, Saigo Takamori was defeated and lost his life last decisive battle for the samurai.
The clash between samurai and army conscripts had also resulted in the social demands of a mass of commoners who were far removed from the Enlightenment ideas of equality, brotherhood and freedom, concepts accepted only by the educated middle classes and some aristocrats and intellectuals (4). These sections of the populace fueled the formation of an extremist right in the name of patriotism advocated the use of violence to impose its authoritarian government. A first successful attempt that led to entry into the armed forces, then the government's control by the army. The formation of armed forces made up of peasants was a process that drew a spontaneous movement. Farmers avevano costituito autentici eserciti ostili al governo dello shogun, il bakufu, e le loro rivolte avevano indebolito il potere militare dei Tokugawa, fino al crollo definitivo nel 1867. La coscrizione obbligatoria del 1973 integrò i contadini nella nuova società, però comportò anche gravi squilibri. Praticamente il nuovo stato nasceva tramite una militarizzazione di massa, a discapito delle forze sane e propulsive dell’economia come i commercianti (chonin). Intanto il malcontento dei samurai fu placato inserendoli nell’apparato burocratico come funzionari governativi, amministratori locali, membri della polizia, e personale scolastico docente e amministrativo. Ruoli che svolsero zelantemente grazie all’indubbia preparazione.
The Meiji government, concerned about the threat of insurrection, he tried to avoid at all costs, class conflict, thus generating a dangerous situation ignored by all, or the militarization of society. Industry also developed in this direction, emphasizing heavy industry serves the development of war. These imbalances were amplified by the weakness of the Japanese middle class. The development of the country has aimed at military power, otherwise lacked a middle class intellectual who supported the enrichment of the country for the welfare of the citizens. There were many exceptions, but it was brilliant ideas from intellectuals who rarely dragged the consent of the masses. And they were themselves to denounce the dangers of conformism of public opinion. The slogan Fukoku Kyohei (rich country and strong army) was thus interpreted as a rich country for a strong military, what the critically-General of the crowds. Despite the use of the peasant masses, the army was very far from having a slightest democratic aspect being still dominated by personal interests. Yamagata Aritomo the fief of Choshu took command of the Imperial Guard since 1872, thereby establishing the supremacy of his dominion over the army until the early twentieth century. Yamagata Aritomo was also the creator of an order which suppressed any democratic activity in the army, and imposed a strict reactionary policy. Ironically it was forming a private army composed of aristocrats and commoners ideals hostile to democracy, it also happened in a formally democratic country with laws and liberal institutions. Unfortunately, such a process was not anything special, but he had as a model of the Western colonial powers. Meanwhile, the armies of Western liberal democracies have never had any democratic system, setting up the obvious contradiction of a hierarchical authoritarian political systems in electoral representation. The contradiction is still ignored, even when the armed forces of democracies are guilty of war crimes, often called as rare exceptions, neither in reality nor rare exceptions.
The structure of the Japanese Army became extremely dangerous when he began to review the policy and pay the economic alliance with the cracks (zaibatsu). The combination of free trade and militarism is not so unusual when you consider the economies of the Western colonial powers. Japanese militarism is no exception, but the pursuit of a rule, the rule expressed by the slogan rich country and strong army.
The phenomenon of the political and paramilitary soldiers is typical of the first half of the twentieth century, and can be framed by the term fashizumu (fascism) is also widely used by Maruyama Masao. Although it is still controversial definition of "Japanese fascism" because it lacked a single party and there were other characteristics, it can be agreed on what is meant to define (5). How fascist military means organizations which practiced armed violence, including the murder of political opponents and the coup, with the purpose of controlling the country and strengthen their way of distorted ideology of imperialism (kodo). These military formations originated in the countryside still rooted in values \u200b\u200band reactionary antiprogressista, in every way hostile to liberal values. For the masses of peasants, the dialectic of democratic institutions was a social and political degeneration. They did not accept the liberal principles and the guarantee of rights, instead relying on the principle of authority, respect for hierarchies and the use of force. There were several supporters of the authoritarian turn that attempted to theorize what the tumultuous events claimed. Ryohei Uchida (1874-1937) argued that the borders of Japan were to be extended to the Amur River in China, and founded the Kokuryukai (Black Dragon Society). Another leader was ultranationalist Toyama Mitsuru (1855-1944), a proponent of the rule of Asia under the leadership of Japan (Japanese pan-Asian) and organizer of numerous political attacks. Surely the first and fiercest theory of Nationalism Japanese extremist was Kita Ikki (1883-1937) argued that the elimination of the parliament, the abolition of the constitution, the establishment of an economy against popular zaibatsu and estates, and occupation of China. Kita Ikki was implicated in an attempted coup and was executed by its imperial authority that he supported instrumentally.
On May 15, 1932 Prime Minister Inumai Tsuyoshi was assassinated by a group of army officers and navy ending last government supported by the parties without military influences. On February 26, 1936 rose twenty-two young army officers and navy men at the helm of 1400 that killed some important politicians, including Finance Minister Korekiyo Admiral Saito Makoto Takahashi, and occupied several buildings. In the name of an alleged imperial authority, they called for a renewal of the country and the absolute loyalty to the emperor. It was the Emperor Hirohito to crush the uprising by sending the army against the rebels. But the situation was compromised, and the justification of law and order the army eliminated all opposition. Emperor Hirohito was so hostage to the militarist policy, and even if moderate leaders and leaned against the war, as Fumimaro Konoe, failed to strongly oppose the madness of the government headed by General Tojo as Hideki.
I militari erano fuori dal controllo delle istituzioni e prendevano iniziative autonome che trascinavano poi il paese nel baratro oscuro (kurai tanima). Risulta evidente che chi doveva difendere le istituzioni le stava invece demolendo. Inoltre lo scontro nelle forze armate era esasperato perché da una parte la marina (kaigun) si ispirava al modello inglese, non concordando gli obiettivi con l’esercito (conquista della Cina e guerra con gli Stati Uniti), dall’altra anche all’interno dell’esercito chi si opponeva alle concezioni retrograde era considerato un avversario da eliminare.
Questa situazione complessa è ancora più articolata se si considera dinamicamente il quadro che la costituisce. Il militarismo Japanese movement was fueled by rural (nohonshugi) campaign which provided the ideology and men, the army found the structure that allowed the penetration and establishment politics, but the material support was provided by business groups (zaibatsu) that through War could find an outlet for war production. Capitalism and rural mated with common interest to create new markets through the use of military force, so as to perpetuate the family model beyond national borders. It is therefore appropriate expression that defines the great pan-Asian family (daitoa kyoeiken), the area of \u200b\u200bcommon prosperity, even if distorted, absurd and illiberal. But today was not driven out the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a single political model through the use of military force and the expansion of the market economy. After the end of fascism and socialism seems to be frustrating the unique model of capitalist democracy as the dominant model, because of globalization in the form reappears the militarism that had allied with capitalism. With the justification of fighting terrorism, are no longer the need to support the fascist use of military force to ensure the social order, but democratic governments. A defeat which destroys centuries of struggle for civil rights.
Notes
1. The comparative method applied to the historical and social sciences is highly effective but difficult to include in its scope and depth. Distinguished historians such as Otto Hintze, Karl Lamprecht, Max Weber and Wilhelm Roscher, made extensive use of the comparative method. In the academic importance of the writer has had the teaching of Joseph Di Costanzo, student notes from the authors at the University Federico II of Naples.
2. Noro Eitaro always said that we must consider the inevitability (hitsuzen) history, rather than the occasional (guzen). The story is a story that you can interpret whatever you want, but a connection of facts.
3. Emblematic cases of India and China subdued by the strength of the most powerful liberal economy in the world. Britain, the cradle of the Industrial Revolution and an advocate of free markets, was also the largest colonial empire of the nineteenth century, extending its dominion and control of commercial traffic on the entire planet. British troops and gunboats protect both the economic and political interests often coincide. It was for commercial reasons that broke the Opium War (1840-1842). In fact it was imposed on China to import opium produced from British colonies in Central Asia. The refusal led to the bombardment of Nanking, Canton and the acquisition of the block Hong Kong through a contract, in addition to paying cash compensation to war. See Herbert Franke and Rolf Trauzettel, Feltrinelli Universal History, The Empire of China, Vol.19, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1969.
4. Among the samurai and liberal supporters of the Enlightenment ideas stands the figure of Fukuzawa Yukichi (1834-1901), author of Encouragement to know (Gakumon no Susume) is the condition of the West (Seiyo Jijo).
5. The debate on Japanese fascism (fashizumu rons) is still alive, even going back to the dispute between the school and the school Koza Rono, linked to the Socialists and Yamakawa Hitoshi Inomata Tsunao.
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